The Iowa caucuses are the first step in the nominating processes of the Democratic and Republican parties. As a result, Iowa garners a vastly disproportionate number of candidate visits and amount of media attention. A better than expected showing on caucus night can boost a candidacy, while a poor performance can spell the end of a candidate's hopes.
First-in-the-Nation
Iowa
Code--Title II Chapter 43.4:
Delegates to county conventions of political parties and party committee members shall be elected at precinct caucuses held not later than the fourth Monday in February of each even-numbered year. The date shall be at least eight days earlier than the scheduled date for any meeting, caucus or primary which constitutes the first determining stage of the presidential nominating process in any other state, territory or any other group which has the authority to select delegates in the presidential nomination. The state central committees of the political parties shall set the date for their caucuses... |
Because Iowa's precinct caucuses are the first contests in the presidential nomination processes of both parties, the state attracts an inordinate amount of attention from candidates and the media. In fact authors Hugh Winebrenner and Dennis J. Goldford describe the caucuses as a "media event." Although there have been attempts in the past and present (+) to challenge the first-in-the-nation status of the Iowa caucuses, supporters of the process argue that the precinct caucuses allow for retail politicking which simply would not be possible in larger states.
The Iowa caucus campaign fulfills an important winnowing function. The cliche is that there are three tickets out of Iowa, namely a first-, second- or third-place finish in the caucuses, and that if a candidate does not achieve top three finish his or her campaign is in deep trouble. In fact it is not a candidate's showing, but the showing as it relates to expectations that is perhaps most important. In the four most recent competitive Democratic caucus campaigns prior to 2020, the winner of the Iowa caucuses went on to win the party's nomination: Gore (2000), Kerry (2004), Obama (2008) and Clinton (2016).
For Iowa voters who choose to engage in the caucus campaign
the experience can be intense. Democratic candidates
spent a lot of time in Iowa. According to the Des
Moines Register's candidate tracker, as of the end of
January ten Democratic candidates had participated in 100 or
more events. Visits are only part of the picture; the
campaigns invest significant resources in putting staff on
the ground and opening offices around the state. In
the closing weeks the number of ads on the air, mailers in
the mailbox and calls from the campaigns can become
overwhelming. Interest groups also weigh in.
Reporters and political tourists flock to Iowa. The
net result is a great economic boon to the state (>).
On the Democratic side, the race has been
fluid right up to the time of the caucuses. Starting
out the 2019-20 caucus cycle, there was a very large field
vying to take on Trump. Some candidates could claim
slight early advantages; for example Sen. Amy Klobuchar
hailed from neighboring Minnesota; Sen. Bernie Sanders had a
base from his 2015-16 run; Sen. Cory Booker's speech at the
IDP Fall Gala in Oct. 2018 impressed many; former Rep. John
Delaney hoped to benefit from his very early start; and Sen.
Elizabeth Warren invested in a large field organization
early on.
By caucus time the field had thinned considerably; 14 major candidates who had made a show in Iowa had ended their campaigns leaving nine candidates ostensibly in the running. Of those seven were competitive. The Warren, Sanders, Buttigieg, Biden Klobuchar and Yang campaigns all entered caucus week with over one hundred staff on the ground; the Steyer campaign was also large. Bennet and Gabbard shifted their focus to New Hampshire. Two other active candidates, Patrick and Bloomberg, never engaged here. Among the candidates who dropped out in the months and weeks leading up to the caucuses were several who had built up sizable operations, notably Harris, O'Rourke and Booker. The impeachment trial in the U.S. Senate created a unique wrinkle in the closing weeks of the caucus campaign, forcing the four Senators Klobuchar, Sanders, Warren and Bennet to remain in Washington and rely on surrogates to carry their messages. Turnout in the Democratic caucuses was expected to be high. The record of 239,872 was set in 2008.
Despite the impeachment trial in the U.S.
Senate, President Trump appeared in full control of the
Republican Party. There were Republican caucuses,
including a straw pol,l but they were not competitive.
By contrast in 2015-16 the large field of Republican
candidates meant that Iowans saw intense activity on the
Republican side, which energized and benefitted local
Republican parties. One challenge for Iowa Republicans
in 2019-20 was to maintain interest and energy while
Democratic candidates were swarming the state.
President Trump held a rally in Des Moines on January 30,
just ahead of the caucuses.
Early Groundwork
(Pre-Campaign Period, 2017-18)
Within just a few weeks of the last presidential election the first visits by the next crop of potential candidates begins. For the 2020 cycle, the first visits by presidential prospects as noted by Patrick Rynard's Iowa Starting Line were in Dec. 2016—former Gov. Martin O'Malley campaigned for Jim Lykam in the Senate special election in Davenport on Dec. 18 and former Missouri Secretary of State Jason Kander spoke at a Progress Iowa fundraiser on Dec. 20; neither ended up running. Starting with those first visits, Iowa Starting Line tracking shows 28 Democratic presidential prospects made 118 visits totaling 169 days through Election Day Nov. 6, 2018 and 127 visits totaling 180 days through Dec. 31, 2018 (+). This is a huge increase from the same period in the 2016 cycle when the "inevitable Hillary" scenario markedly depressed activity on the Democratic side. In addition to all the potential candidates, two candidates declared early and were active in Iowa: U.S. Rep. John Delaney (D) and entrepreneur Andrew Yang.
President prospects sought to cultivate good will and build
connections among local party officials and activists.
A good way to do that in Iowa was to help out candidates
running in the 2018 mid-term elections (+).
Iowa is a closely divided state; active party registration
for the Nov. 6, 2018 general election of 2,187,097 included
677,668 Democrats (30.98%), 688,245 Republicans (31.46%),
803,429 no party (36.73%), and 14,534 Libertarian (>).
There were a number of targeted and hotly contested races in
2018.
• The highest profile race was the governor's race.
Gov. Kim Reynolds (R) defeated businessman and
philanthropist Fred Hubbell by 50.26% to 47.53% (2.73
percentage points) (+).
• Republicans maintained control of both chambers in the Iowa legislature. In the General Assembly, they lost a few seats, going from 58R, 41D, 1v to 54R, 46D. In the Senate, where 25 seats were up, they gained several seats, balance going from 29R, 20D, 1I to 32R, 18D.
• Democrats picked up two U.S. House seats on Nov. 6,
taking the balance from 3R and 1D in the 115th Congress to
3D and 1R in the 116th Congress In the 1st CD in the
Northeast Abby Finkenauer (D) defeated Rod Blum (R) by
50.46% to 45.45% (5.01 percentage points or 16,900 votes
out of 337,593 cast), and in the 3rd CD in the Southwest
Cindy Axne (D) defeated David Young (R) by 48.71% to
46.57% (2.14 percentage points or 7,709 votes out of
360,604 cast). Additionally JD Scholten (D) gave
U.S. Rep. Steve King (R) a very strong challenge in the
4th CD; King won by 49.58% to 46.33% (3.25 percentage
points or 10,430 votes out of 317,813 votes cast).
Potential 2020 candidates put in plenty of appearances at
fundraisers and events for state and local candidates and
party committees. Their leadership PACs made donations, and
in some cases provided staff for local campaigns or help
with training and canvassing. Behind the scenes
activity counts as well; there are many ways that
prospective candidates can engage Iowans without actually
travelling to the state, for example in private calls to or
meetings with local officials and influencers.
Sometimes they can address groups of Iowans travelling out
of state for business meetings, and they may even send
Christmas cards.
Some hopefuls made early efforts to attract talent.
The Delaney campaign built up a significant staff. In
July 2018 potential candidate U.S. Rep. Tim Ryan (OH) signed
up Pete D'Alessandro, who had served as campaign coordinator
on Bernie 2016's Iowa caucus campaign, to advise him.
Independent of a candidate or potential candidate's
efforts, citizens and organized groups may start up efforts
to build support for (or to criticize) one or another of the
presidential hopefuls. In the 2016 cycle for example,
the Ready for Hillary super PAC, the National Draft Ben
Carson for President Exploratory Committee super PAC, and
the Run Warren Run effort organized by MoveOn.org Political
Action and Democracy for America were active in Iowa.
No significant activity of this type was noted in
2017-18.
The first decision a campaign faces on the
Iowa caucuses is whether to compete. Running an Iowa
caucus campaign requires an intensive ground
operation. On the Democratic side, former New York
City Mayor Mike Bloomberg gave all four early states a miss,
and former Gov. Deval Patrick (MA) did not engage
here. In past others have tried or considered this
approach. In 2004 ret. Gen. Wesley Clark opted not to
compete in the Iowa caucuses. In 2007 an internal memo
by Clinton deputy campaign manager Mike Henry suggested that
Clinton bypass the Iowa caucuses to focus on later contests,
but the campaign disavowed that notion and competed hard in
the state. On the Republican side, social
conservatives carry significant weight, and this has
prompted some more moderate candidates to skip Iowa.
Jon Huntsman as well as Gary Johnson and Buddy Roemer tried
bypassing Iowa in 2012 and John McCain tried it in
2000. Most campaigns conclude that they must run in
Iowa.
As in the 2016 cycle DNC rules state that "the Iowa precinct caucuses may be held no earlier than 29 days beffore the first Tuesday in March" (Delegate Selection Rules, Rule 12A). RNC rules are less specific, but also key off March 1 and set a general exception for the four early states, stating that "Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Nevada may conduct their processes no earlier than one month before the next earliest state" (Rules of the Republican Party, Rule 16(c)(1).
In past cycles there have been challenges to
Iowa's first-in-the-nation status as well as considerable
jockeying among other states to move earlier in the process,
with the result that the date of the Iowa caucuses was a
moving target. For example Iowa's 2012 precinct
caucuses were tentatively scheduled to take place on the
evening of Feb. 6, but Florida Republicans set their primary
date for Jan. 31, 2012, prompting Iowa Republicans to move
their date forward to Jan. 3, and the Democrats to
follow. For 2016, both the DNC and the RNC held firm
so that no contests took place before February, and the
caucuses stuck to Feb. 1. National party discipline
held for 2020 as well. Feb. 3, 2020 is the date of the
Iowa caucuses.
As a result of the Democratic National Committee's Unity Reform Commission (1, 2) there will be some notable changes to the Democratic caucuses. A long-standing criticism of the caucus process is that it limits participation to those who can actually show up at the precinct location on Caucus Night. For 2020, in addition to the 1,678 precinct caucuses, the party held 87 satellite caucuses (+). Other changes to the caucus process include early check in, a streamlining of the realignment process during the precinct caucuses and changes in reporting of results including reporting of raw results. Also of note, due to a change in state law 17-year-olds can vote in the Iowa Caucuses and the June primary if they will be 18 by November 3, 2020 (+).
Note that the state parties routinely make
some tweaks to their caucuses processes; in 2016, before the
Unity Reform Commission was even an idea, the Iowa
Democratic Party itself conducted a review of the 2016
caucuses (+).
The
changes
set
for
2020
at
the
behest
of
the
DNC
are
more
far-reaching
and
are
designed
to
increase
participation
and
transparency.
The
IDP
reported,
"The
new
DNC
mandates
include
a
recount
process,
releasing
the
1st
expression
of
preference,
and
non-present
participation."
Developing
the
mechanism
for
"non-present
participation"
proved
to
be
a
challenge.
The
state
party
considered
a
number
of
options
including
absentee
ballot,
proxy
voting,
and
remote
voting.
Over
a
period
of
many
months
the
IDP
sought
input
and
developed
rules
for
the
2020
caucuses.
At
its meeting on Feb. 9, 2019 the IDP state central committee
(SCC) took up the caucus and delegate selection rules, and
on Feb. 11 party leaders announced "the most historic
changes to the caucus process since its creation in 1972 (+)."
The solution the IDP came up, which took a
lot of work to develop and would ultimately be rejected by
the DNC due to security concerns, was a proposal to hold a
series of six virtual
caucuses in addition to the traditional caucus
night meetings. Democrats participating in the virtual
caucuses would be able to select up to five choices in order
of preference. The results of the virtual caucuses
would be aggregated by CD and delegates allocated by ranked
choice voting with a 15 percent threshhold required.
The virtual caucuses would account for an additional
10-percent state delegate equivalents per congressional
district. (The effect would be somewhat like adding a
county to each of the four congressional districts).
The 10-percent level was somewhat arbitrary since there was
no way of telling how many people wouldparticipate in the
virtual caucuses. The SCC unanimously approved the
delegate selection plan at its meeting on April 5 (Delegate
Selection Plan [PDF], +),
and it then went to the DNC Rules and Bylaws Committee
(RBC), where it was due by May 3, 2019, for approval.
The RBC
conditionally approved Iowa's plan in June 2019. As
noted, security concerns arose abouut the virtual caucuses,
and on Aug. 30, the RBC chairs recommended that that aspect
of the plan not be approved (+).
The
party settled on holding satellite caucuses
including in work-related sites, on college campuses and in
aging service centers. Groups interested in holding a
satellite caucus submitted applications by the Nov. 18, 2019
deadline. On Dec. 18 the IDP announced its review
committee had approved 99 applications, "including 71
in-state, 25 out-of-state, 11 combinations with other
locations, and 3 international locations." (+) In terms
of delegate math, as outlined in the final Delegate
Selection Plan [PDF],
"Each congressional district will be granted one (1)
satellite caucus county, and each satellite site in that
congressional district will be treated as a precinct within
the satellite caucus county." Each congressional
district will then be given an additional allotment of
delegates based on attendance at their satellite caucuses;
this could range from 2% to 10%.
Among the biggest events on the Democratic
calendar were several Democratic Party fundraisers: the Iowa
Democratic Party Annual Hall of Fame Dinner in Cedar Rapids
on June 9, 2019, the Polk County Democrats' Steak Fry in Des
Moines on Sept. 21, 2019 and the Liberty and Justice
Celebration, formerly known as the JJ Dinner, in Des Moines
on Nov. 1, 2019. These events afford the campaigns an
opportunity to show off their organizational muscle.
Many other multi-candidate forums have been and are being
held in Iowa (+)
(For Republicans, historically the mid-August Republican
Party of Iowa Straw Poll was the big pre-primary event;
indeed it had assumed almost as much importance as the
caucuses themselves. However, the Republican Party of
Iowa’s State Central Committee voted to cancel the 2015 Iowa
Straw Poll "to strengthen our First in the Nation status and
ensure our future nominee has the best chance possible to
take back the White House in 2016").
Iowa has a population of more than three
million (July 2018 estimate 3,156,145) (>), and
its ninety-nine counties provide plenty of ground for
candidates to cover. Attention naturally focuses on
the Des Moines area in the center of the state. The
population of Polk County itself is more than 480,000 (>).
Extending further, the Des Moines-West Des Moines
Metropolitan Statistical Area encompasses six counties
(Dallas, Guthrie, Jasper, Madison, Polk and Warren) (>).
There are also very rural and sparsely populated areas;
Adams County, in the Southwest part of the state, has a
population of less than 4,000.
Potential candidates and candidates look for advantages as
they seek to connect to Iowans. Agriculture is
obviously important issue, and a candidate must be able to
speak to rural issues. But there is more to Iowa than
agriculture; Iowa has an increasingly diversified economy
and leaders have sought to counter a one-dimensional
stereotype of the state. Organized labor is still
important on the Democratic side, while social conservatives
form an important constituency on the Republican side.
Once the campaigns staffed up, their major job in 2019 was
to identify committed supporters, likely supporters, and
persuadables (1's, 2's and 3's as they are called).
Pledge cards are the "currency of the realm." As the
caucuses draw nearer, potential caucus-goers are bombarded
with mail and phone calls. Behond just identifying
supporters campaigns devote much work to lining up precinct
captains, and they also make considerable efforts to obtain
endorsements from state and local officials, who might be
able to sway neighbors and acquaintances. Republican
and Democratic campaigns take decidedly different approaches
to the caucus campaign. The campaigns of the leading
major Democratic candidates typically have very large staffs
and a dozen or more field offices around the state.
(Republican campaign organizations have been much smaller
and generally do not open multiple offices; of course there
is not a Republican contest in 2020). The air war
ratchets up as well. The early-starting Delaney
campaign was first on the airwaves, running its first ad in Iowa on Super Bowl
Sunday, Feb. 4, 2018, and it spent about $1 million on
advertising in the state in 2018. However,
in the closing months of the campaign it was the Steyer
campaign that dominated the airwaves. Campaigns that have
money run lots of TV ads, and there are also digital ads and
radio ads in the mix. Interest groups and super PACs
add their messages as well.
Exchanges with a friend, neighbor, colleague or fellow
Iowan can have an important effect on a caucus-goer's
thinking. Even more telling are first-hand impressions
of the candidates. Candidates ply the state with
visits. Former U.S. Rep. John Delaney, who launched
his campaign in July 2017, was the first candidate in the
2020 cycle to achieve the "99-county club." Sen. Amy
Klobuchar also achieved that mark. Another milestone
is the "hundred days in Iowa club."
Much organizing activity occurs around candidate visits. If a campaign has any kind of organization, a field organizer or field organizers bearing supporter cards will approach attendees after an event. Major multi-candidate events often generate sign-waving battles. Having a staff that can translate the energy and interest generated by the candidate into actual Iowans willing to volunteer time and effort and to head out on a Monday evening in February to spend an hour or two in a caucus meeting is essential.
Although attention focuses on the activities of the
candidates and their campaigns, other players will be at
work. Given the huge amount of media attention various
interest groups organize on-the-ground or media campaigns to
inject their issues into the race. The state parties
work to ensure a level playing field for their candidates,
and, at the same time are ever ready point out the foibles
and faults of the opposing party's candidates.
After all the activity, the millions spent,
the pundits' pontificating and the meaningless polls,
matters are finally in the hands of Iowans. Despite
all the attention lavished on their state, not that many
people actually participate in the precinct caucuses.
The record for the Democrats occurred in 2008 when there
were 239,872 participants in part because of excitement
about Obama; the Republican record of 186,932 was set in
2016 in part because of Trump's unorthodox candidacy.
The state parties spend countless hours
preparing for the caucuses. Iowa has 1,678 precincts.
That means a lot of work for the state parties in keeping
the county chairs up to speed, lining up temporary caucus
chairs, and identifying caucus sites. In addition
Democrats have added 99 satellite caucuses.
Cybersecurity and ensuring the integrity of the results was
a major concern.
After all the visits, organizers' work, the calls and
canvassing, ads, mail, planning and preparation at 7 p.m. on
the evening of Feb. 3, 2020 neighbors gathered in precinct
caucuses around the state in an example of democracy in
action. The Republican and Democratic caucus systems
are quite different. Republicans do their caucus by
secret ballot, while Democrats divide up into groups.
But attention this cycle focused on the Democrats.
Democratic precinct caucuses have a 15-percent threshhold (in most precincts) to achieve viability; this means that if a caucus-goer's candidate fails to achieve that level, he or she must align with another group or go home. Attendees select delegates to county conventions (and thence to district conventions and the state convention in June 2020) and vote on platform issues.
For the candidates, what matters is what happens on caucus night and how these results are interpreted in the headlines the next day. The candidates who exceed expectations will jet off to New Hampshire claiming momentum (+). Those who fare poorly may drop out of the race, if not on caucus night itself in the days after the caucuses.
There had been concerns that the Iowa Democratic Party's
new reporting of results, comprising not just state delegate
equivalent numbers as in past, but raw votes at the
beginning of the night and raw votes at the end of the night
to provide more transparency could lead to a lack of
clarity, but what happened amounted to a debacle. The delay
in reporting results of the caucuses (+)
brought a disappointing end to the long, intense campaign,
and the story dominated headlines on Caucus Night and over
the next several days. Ultimately Buttigieg and
Sanders effectively tied, each claiming a win. All
told five candidates did well enough to earn national
delegates, but the results were underwhelming for Warren,
who had seemed best organized, for Biden, who was after all
the former vice president, and for Klobuchar, who hailed
from neighboring Minnesota.
Looking ahead to the 2024 cycle, the complexity of the Iowa
Democratic caucuses, the DNC's position favoring primaries
over caucuses, pressure for a more diverse state to start
off their process, and the results reporting delay in 2020
will likely lead to a strong challenge to thevery existence
of the first-in-the-nation Iowa caucuses.
Democrats
Democrats held their first Iowa caucuses on Jan. 24, 1972;
top finishers were uncommitted, Ed Muskie and George
McGovern. (Although McGovern finished behind Muskie,
his surprising showing provided a significant boost heading
into New Hampshire).
Feb.
3, 2020 |
Sanders (26.5%), Buttigieg (25.1%),
Warren (20.3%), Biden (13.7%), Klobuchar (12.2%) |
176,352 |
Feb.
1, 2016 |
Clinton (49.84%), Sanders
(49.59%), O'Malley (0.54%), Uncomm.
(0.03%). |
171,109 |
Jan. 3, 2008 | Obama (37.6%), Edwards (29.7%), Clinton (29.4%), Others (3.2%). | 239,872 |
Jan. 19, 2004 | Kerry (37.6%), Edwards
(31.8%), Dean (18.0%), Gephardt
(10.6%), Others (1.8%). |
124,331 |
Jan.
24, 2000 |
Gore (63.4%), Bradley (34.9%), Others (1.6%). | 60,760 |
Republicans
In 1976 Republicans moved their caucuses to the same day as
the Democrats, thereby boosting the significance of the
event; that year there was a contest between President
Gerald Ford and Gov. Ronald Reagan. The 1980 caucuses
marked the first of the multi-candidate GOP contests seen in
recent cycles. Of the six multi-candidate competitive
Iowa Republican caucuses from 1980 to 2012, the Iowa caucus
winner went on to win the party's nomination two and a half
times: Bob Dole in 1996 and George W. Bush in 2000. In
2012 Mitt Romney appeared to have won by eight votes and
received an Iowa bump, but two weeks later Rick Santorum was
declared to have won by 34 votes in certified results.
Feb. 1, 2016 | Cruz 51,666 (27.6%), Trump
45,429 (24.3%), Rubio 43,228 (23.1%),
Carson 17,394 (9.3%), Paul 8,481 (4.5%), Bush 5,238
(2.8%), Others 15,495 (8.2%). |
186,932 |
Jan. 3, 2012 | Santorum 29,839 (24.5%), Romney 29,805 (24.5%), Paul 26,036 (21.4%), Gingrich 16,163 (13.3%), Perry 12,557 (10.3%), Others 7,103 (5.8%). | 121,503 |
Jan. 3, 2008 | Huckabee 40,954 (34.4%), Romney
30,021 (25.2%), F.Thompson 15,960 (13.4%),
McCain 15,536 (13.0%), Paul 11,841 (9.9%),
Others 4,888 (4.1%). |
119,200 |
Jan.
24, 2000 |
Bush 35,948 (40.9%), Forbes 26,744 (30.5%), Keyes 12,496 (14.2%), Bauer 7,487 (8.5%), Others 4,991 (5.7%) | 87,666 |
Feb. 12, 1996 |
Dole 25,461 (26.3%), Buchanan
22,578 (23.3%), Alexander 17,052 (17.6%),
Forbes 9,861 (10.2%), Gramm 9,055 (9.4%),
Keyes 7,219 (7.5%), Others 5,536 (5.7%). |
96,762 |
2016
| 2012
| 2008
| 2004
|
2000
Nick Klinefeldt, David Yoshimura and Bonnie
Campbell. "Internal Review Report for the Iowa
Democratic Party: 2020 Iowa Caucuses." Faegre
Drinker, Nov. 10, 2020. [PDF]
"The purpose of the internal review was to identify and determine the cause of problems that occurred during the 2020 Iowa Caucuses." [PDF] This report, issued nine months after the caucuses, put much of the blame not on the reporting app itself, but on "very late app rollout and resultant lack of training on the app." Interesting the DNC refused to participate in the review.
State Historical Society of Iowa - First in the Nation ...exhibit Oct. 2, 2015-April 3, 2016.
"First in the
Nation is densely populated with images from
around the state and more than 160 artifacts from the
State Historical Museum of Iowa’s collection. The new
exhibition explores candidates’ journeys from early
visits to Iowa and organizing a statewide campaign, to
caucus day and beyond. (+)
Dave Price. Jan. 2014. CAUCUS CHAOS: The
controversial call, characters and surprises that made
Iowa 2012 a year like no other. Self-published
with Kickstarter.
"Presidential
candidates, staffers and activists reveal never before
told inside accounts of what happened, why they
occurred and how they impacted the final results.
'Caucus Chaos' shares the real story behind the 2012
Iowa Caucuses with a look ahead to what their disputed
finish means for the 2016 contest." Kindle
AJ Schnack, director and editor. Premiered at 2013
Hot Docs Film Festival, April 25 to May 5,
2013. CAUCUS: Bonfire Films of America
and Rival Pictures/Om Films.
"From April 2011 until January 3, 2012 (Caucus Night),
we traveled all over the great state of Iowa filming the
seven men and one woman who would seek to win Iowa's
"first in the nation" Caucus. During that time,
our cameras captured moments that you've never seen, no
matter how much you watch the news, of the Republican
hopefuls... Inspired by PRIMARY, one of the great
works of documentary (and one created by many of our
heroes), we went to Iowa to capture an intimate,
observational portrait of the current political
campaign."
David P. Redlawsk, Caroline J. Tolbert, and Todd
Donovan. Dec. 2010. WHY IOWA?: How
Caucuses and Sequential Elections Improve the
Presidential Nominating Process. Chicago,
IL: University
of Chicago Press.
"Why Iowa? offers the definitive account of
those early weeks of the campaign season: from how the
Iowa caucuses work and what motivates the candidates’
campaigns, to participation and turnout, as well as the
lingering effects that the campaigning had on Iowa
voters. Demonstrating how 'what happens in Iowa' truly
reverberates throughout the country, five-time Iowa
precinct caucus chair David P. Redlawsk and his
coauthors take us on an inside tour of one of the most
media-saturated and speculated-about campaign events in
American politics... Considering whether a
sequential primary system, in which early, smaller
states such as Iowa and New Hampshire have such a
tremendous impact is fair or beneficial to the country
as a whole, the authors here demonstrate that not only
is the impact warranted, but it also reveals a great
deal about informational elements of the campaigns."
Hugh Winebrenner and Dennis J. Goldford. Dec. 2010. THE IOWA PRECINCT CAUCUSES: The Making of a Media Event, Third Edition. Iowa City, IA: Bur Oak Books [University of Iowa Press]
"The Iowa Precinct
Caucuses chronicles how the caucuses began, how
they changed, and starting in 1972 how they became
fodder for and manipulated by the mass media. Hugh
Winebrenner and Dennis J. Goldford argue that the media
have given a value to the Iowa caucuses completely out
of proportion to the reality of their purpose and
procedural methods... The third edition of this
classic book has been updated to include the elections
of 2000, which saw the first winner of the Iowa caucuses
to reach the White House since 1976; of 2004 and the
roller-coaster fortunes of Howard Dean and John Kerry;
and of 2008 and the unlikely emergence of Barack Obama
as a presidential contender."
John C. Skipper. Oct. 2009. THE IOWA CAUCUSES: First Tests of Presidential Aspiration, 1972-2008. Jefferson, NC: MacFarland.
"This book chronicles the most important events of each
Iowa caucus since 1972 and reveals how the unassuming
Midwestern state came to be an unlikely powerhouse in
presidential politics."
Christopher C. Hull. Nov. 2007. GRASSROOTS RULES: How the Iowa Caucus Helps Elect American Presidents. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.
"Christopher Hull looks at the impact of Iowa on the
primary nomination and the presidency. Taking into
account data spanning nearly three decades of
presidential candidates in Iowa, Hull makes the case
that Iowa’s first state status is well deserved. While
New Hampshire 'filters out' Iowa’s geographic bias
toward favorite local candidates, Iowa plays a
significant role in assessing a candidate’s ultimate
ability to get elected."